The Welfare Reform Act

The issue for them seems to be the trouble of the system to go beyond good intentions and to find a track to make the promise of welf ar come true. twain commentators see the system as having been created to provide assistance that would succor the individual succeed on his or her own, but kind of the receiving of eudaemonia has become institutionalized so that it becomes a way of life rather than a way-station in life. Ellwood sees this as curiously pernicious to family life, but both commentators see it as destructive and find that there are ample critics of the system on both sides of the political spectrum, though Ellwood in particular sees the guard for some centralist restructuring that does not veer too sharp to Left or Right, neither of which he sees as having the even answer.

Murray considers the question of welfare in the larger context of Ameri move social insurance constitution over a thirty twelvemonth period. He has more in mind than welfare policy, though welfare is at the total of what American social policy during this era wanted to achieve and also at the heart of how the system has failed to achieve those goals. Murray settles on the term "social policy" to describe what he is talking ab show up and defines this as

a loosely defined conglomeration of government programs, laws, regulations, and court decisions ghost on almost every dimension of life. Welfare programs are part of any social policy toward the measly, obviously. Jobs pro

Ellwood asks the essential question--should welfare be domesticateed or replaced? He notes that the country has g angiotensin converting enzyme through several attempts at welfare right, or at least discussions of welfare reform with an eye to making changes if a good program can be developed. The conservatives hold back called for the elimination of welfare, and Ellwood rightly notes that no one expects this call to be heeded. What is being discussed is the imposition of new obligations and responsibilities on recipients, with the government in turn providing training or jobs. Ellwood considers these issues and notes that spot they would help, they would not have more than a modest impression on the caseload and on the ability of the disadvantaged to provide for themselves.

Ellwood points out the reason for this--none of these changes would address the real issue, which is that such modifications do cipher about the real problem of poverty:

In the intelligence of Congress, there is usually some compromise that settles issues of this sort. The House Republicans have shown little desire to settle matters in this way and have instead pressed for a complete overhaul of programs interchangeable welfare and the imposition of their ideas of responsibility. The Senate is truly a more thoughtful body, and even if the Republicans had a wider majority and the ability to impose Draconian change, they might not do so. Some welfare reform is certain to pass this year, but the Senate is also likely to pee down some of the more aggressive ideas of the House majority. The avert grant approach seems to be what will be adopted, however, and past it remains to be seen whether the fifty states will sustain welfare at a level that serves the needs of the truly innocent or will create a program as mean-spirited as some have accused the Republicans of wanting.

Welfare is a flawed method of helping people who are poor and disadvantaged. Welfare brings some of our most precious values--involving autonomy, responsibi
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